When two elephants fight, a senior International Monetary Fund official once told the Financial Times, the grass gets trampled.
The official was referring to the danger that the fund could get caught in the midst of a struggle between the dominant economic power – the US – and the most important rising power – China – over exchange rates and who is to blame for giant trade imbalances.
That prospect moved closer recently when the IMF board, made up of representatives of governments that are the lender’s shareholders, adopted a new mandate for international surveillance in the face of outright opposition from China. The old framework, which dated back to 1977, needed modernisation.
But there was no hiding the international political context. The US hailed the decision as a sign that the IMF was finally heeding its call to get tough on exchange rates. Hank Paulson, the Treasury secretary, said: “The reform will permit firmer surveillance in areas such as insufficiently flexible exchange rates”.
Mr Paulson, who has to date tried to deal with China largely through bilateral channels, said IMF surveillance “has the potential to be a strong complement to bilateral diplomacy”. The US vowed to press the fund to implement the new surveillance regime firmly. “The key issue is enforcement,” said Morris Goldstein, a former IMF official now at the Peterson Institute, a Washington based think-tank.
Beijing immediately pushed back. A critical statement by the People’s Bank of China, the central bank, was followed by the publication in the official press of comments by Ge Huayong, China’s representative at the IMF.
“Supervision under the new rules will put more pressure on emerging market countries especially, but will have little impact on developed countries. This is unfair,” Mr Ge said.
He said China’s stance “received support and understanding from some developing countries, but, due to the push by a tiny number of developed countries with major voting power in the IMF, the decision still passed”. This was “regrettable”.
Ha Jiming, a former IMF economist now with China International Capital Corporation, the largest domestic investment bank, said: “The new ruling has largely been influenced by the US...”
He Fan, an economist with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said many officials were now worried that it would be used to put pressure on China over its exchange rate.
IMF officials insist that the new framework, which was ultimately supported by most developing countries, is not intended to target China [yeah, sure, and you can call me "Chuck Woolery"].
...the official admitted there was no escaping the fact that China presented the IMF with a unique challenge. “China is such an important country, its exchange rate policy is so important, this decision cannot not be about China,” he said. “How to make clear to the Chinese what their obligations are has been part of this whole process.”
Furthermore, while the IMF will look at exchange rate and other policies, its new mandate is far more detailed on exchange rates. With more objective metrics for judging currency policy, the official said, “logically we ought to be more explicit now in terms of whether members are actually meeting their obligations”.
That would tilt the IMF – which has always straddled the twin roles of umpire and adviser to governments – towards being more of an umpire, a long-standing US demand.
Many in and around the Fund are uncomfortable with this idea. A former senior official said the IMF “lacks the ability to declare somebody out and send him off the field”. Officials fear that if China is put in the dock it will ignore the fund and develop Asian monetary arrangements to supplant it.
The former official said the IMF had to continue to approach global imbalances as a multilateral problem with many contributing factors besides China’s exchange rate – not a problem caused by it.
“I hope we do not become a battlefield between the US and China,” one of the senior officials said.
A multilateral approach to dealing with China, he argued, would not work if the IMF was seen as doing the bidding of the US. “I hope Mr Paulson understands this.”